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Last 60 days. On-hand, Local, International. Pre-order title with delayed release date of [to be advised]. Title ships on release. Add to Basket Add to Wishlist. First, the British government had interpreted the proposal as implying immigration. This meant that the fate of the proposal was left in the hands of the British Dominions which had the control over issues relating to immigration. In probing further, it becomes clear that the domestic politics factor was at play, as Hughes was using his rejection of the racial equality proposal at Paris as an important plank of his election platform for the up and coming general elections in December Chapter 6 analyses the American opposition.
The three explanatory factors, immigration, domestic politics and the politics of bargaining at the peace conference, are examined. The first two factors worked only as 12 Introduction background considerations and were not directly responsible for the ultimate decision made on the proposal by the American delegation at Paris. The most important explanation, however, is that President Wilson used the proposal to appease the British in order to attain his own primary objective, the establishment of the League of Nations.
Finally, Chapter 7 offers conclusions of the study. It also attempts to make a retrospective analysis of how the rejection of the proposal could have affected Japanese politics and diplomacy in the interwar period.
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It is suggested that the implications of the rejection of the proposal for interwar Japan were twofold: as a contributing factor to the general sense of disillusionment towards the West in the s, and as a test case used by the pan-Asianists and other apologists in the s to show how Japan had been discriminated by the West.
Lastly, some assessment will be made of the role which the racial equality proposal of played in the evolution of the principle of racial equality in the twentieth century. The significance of the proposal lies in what it reveals, both about Japan and about the nature of international society of As it makes no claim to be a general study, this chapter will focus exclusively on the negotiations for the racial equality proposal which took place in the League of Nations Commission. The League of Nations Commission was established by the Preliminary Peace Conference at the plenary session of 25 January in order to draft the covenant of the League of Nations.
Broadly, the negotiation went through three phases: the first phase from late January to 13 February, when the first attempt to include racial equality as part of Article 21 failed; the second phase from 14 February to 11 April, when the proposal was defeated for the second time; and the final phase from 12 April to 28 April when the Japanese delegate made a final speech on the proposal in the plenary session of the conference.
The account of the negotiations shows that it was a complex process which involved the reconciliation of many layers of conflicting perceptions, both externally between the three states and internally within each delegation. Foster Minister of Finance , A. Sifton Minister of Customs , C. The British Dominions played a highly prominent part in the racial equality debate, which belied the otherwise more secondary positions they occupied within the delegation.
On the whole, they remained marginal and uninterested in the wider spectrum of issues which concerned the British government at Paris. In the light of the above, the Japanese proposal certainly was not a high priority for Britain. Basically, it would not have made much difference for Britain whether the Japanese proposal was adopted or not, as it was neither complementary nor contrary to core British interests. However, the interpretation of immigration attached to the proposal by the British government meant that the Dominions took over the negotiation to protect their vested interests.
This became a considerable source of tension within the delegation. President Wilson was by then so revered internationally that his arrival in war-torn Europe was hailed as the coming of the saviour. Neither Hara nor Foreign Minister Uchida, who would have been the natural choice, felt it politically expedient to leave the newly elected government. The first two demands, territorial in nature, were claims to the former German colonies and associated rights to the Shantung Peninsula in China and the Pacific islands north of the equator.
The last demand, the central concern of this study, was the demand for a racial equality clause to be inserted into the covenant of the League of Nations.
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Wilson was taken aback that the Japanese offered only measured support for the League at the plenary session. First of all, Makino and Chinda regarded the United States as the most likely opponent of the Japanese proposal because of the unresolved problem of anti-Japanese immigration. His nonabrasive, indirect approach favourably impressed Baron Makino and Viscount Chinda.
It was not confined, however, to any one country or against any particular class of people; prejudice exists among the Western peoples against one another as well as against Eastern peoples. One can cite the contempt which so many Anglo-Saxons have for the Latins, and vice versa. This is one of the serious causes of international trouble, and should in some way be met. Wilson subsequently agreed to present the preferred proposal 28 as his own amendment to the religious freedom article Article Therefore, the first attempt by the Japanese to sound out the Americans had produced an unexpectedly encouraging response.
What is noteworthy about this stage in the negotiation was the extent to which House was involved in the day-to-day negotiation with the Japanese to come up with a satisfactory amendment. In the initial period, House was sympathetic to the Japanese proposal despite the fact that he perceived it essentially as one pertaining to the question of Japanese immigration.
However, it seems that the Japanese did not first approach the British because they had expected Britain to support the proposal on the strength of the Anglo-Japanese Alliance. Moreover, they thought it beneficial to rely on the good offices of House, who had offered to discuss the amendment informally with the British. In the absence of such a formula, the Japanese had intimated that they would find it difficult, or impossible to join the League of Nations.
I observed that this was very much like an attempt at blackmail on the part of our Ally—to which Colonel House assented. But in whatever terms their action deserve to be described, it raised a problem which required solution. He did not give me a copy of it, but, like all its predecessors, it seemed to me to suffer from the defect of indicating a sympathy on the part of the League of Nations with the principle of equal and unrestricted Immigration laws, which it was not the present intention of either the United States or the British Dominions to carry into practical effect.
Speaking for myself, I did not believe that any of the Englishspeaking communities would tolerate a great Japanese flow of immigration; and if that were so, the insertion of any of the formula into the document establishing the League of Nations would have the triple disadvantage of exciting hopes in the Japanese public which could not be fulfilled; of exciting fears in the English-speaking population in new countries lest they should be fulfilled; and burdening the League of Nations with perpetual controversy incapable of satisfactory solution.
Accordingly, Makino and Chinda undertook to negotiate directly with Balfour and Cecil, instead of relying on House. In any case, the Japanese were taken aback by the British attitude which seemed to give primacy to the Dominion interest, at the expense of opposing their ally. Besides, he was now too preoccupied with wanting to complete a preliminary draft of the covenant before his departure to the United States on 14 February.
Therefore, the Japanese decided to present the proposal independently to the League of Nations Commission on 13 February as an amendment to Article The equality of nations being a basic principle of the League of Nations, the High Contracting Parties agree to accord as soon as possible to all alien nationals of states, members of the League, equal and just treatment in every respect making no distinction, either in law or in fact, on account of their race or nationality.
Nonetheless, the Japanese took precautions; the speech that Makino made on the occasion was deliberately low-key, in order not to antagonise those commission members who were sceptical of the Japanese proposal. On the whole, the combined article of religious freedom and racial equality was too risky a formula for most members to support.
The British Empire delegation under Cecil claimed that the subject matter had been discussed thoroughly, leading to serious problems for Negotiating racial equality at Paris 21 the British Dominions. In this period, there is hardly any record of how Wilson personally thought about the Japanese proposal.
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After this initial defeat, House was busily engaged in a damage limitation exercise with the Japanese, persuading them that it was not the Americans but the British who opposed the proposal. The government jealously guarded its power and wanted the plenipotentiaries to refer back all decisions to Tokyo, leaving little bargaining power at Paris. However, the pace set at Paris was too fast for Tokyo to respond effectively and efficiently.
Inevitably, some members of the Diplomatic Advisory Council resented this discretionary power exercised by Makino in Paris. Makino was subjected to harsh criticism of the decisions he took concerning the racial equality proposal, despite the absence of better alternatives proposed by the council. Tokyo learned of the defeat of 13 February only on the 19th. However, the government immediately decided to pursue the resubmission of the proposal. Although it has been defeated once at the peace conference, it should not be abandoned because it would affect the future interests of the Empire.
Hence, we must give careful consideration on how to accomplish our objective. Negotiating racial equality at Paris 23 Meanwhile, as soon as the preliminary draft covenant was adopted in the League of Nations Commission, Wilson left for the United States on 15 February and did not return to Paris until 13 March. As it became clear that the Australian premier, Billy Hughes, was the most persistent opponent of the Japanese proposal, Makino and Chinda saw him on 14 March in order to emphasise the importance of having the principle of racial equality accepted without any practical implications for immigration.
He began to recognise that immigration did present an enormous obstacle, especially for the British Dominions as well as for the increasingly vociferous opposition from the American West Coast.
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By then, he had come to the conclusion that the adoption of racial equality in the way the Japanese had proposed was neither possible nor desirable. Thus, his energy was now focused on trying to dissuade the Japanese from pursuing what he now considered to be an unrealistic amendment. In preparation, they requested further instructions from Tokyo on 20 March on the procedure to be taken, should their proposal be rejected for the second time. Nevertheless, for Hughes, it still conveyed the same message.
However, after negotiating with the Japanese, Canada and South Africa, they saw little reason in objecting to the proposal, and subsequently changed their position to accept a compromise formula. Nevertheless, Hughes alone remained stubbornly obstinate in his opposition. Now it was up to the Dominion premiers to convince Hughes to change his position in line with the other Dominions.
The Canadian Prime Minister, Robert Borden, and Jan Smuts played an important mediating role towards the end of March, attempting to place pressure on Hughes to concur with the majority Dominion view, which was to accept the amended proposal. But the Japanese refused to delete the word because it was so central to the proposal. On 26 March, they asked Smuts to talk to Lloyd George and ask him to bring his influence to bear on Hughes. On 31 March, Smuts passed on the news to the Japanese that Hughes might agree to a formula 72 in which immigration and naturalisation laws were mentioned as examples of domestic affairs not to be interfered with by foreign governments.